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Republicans will angrily decry attempts to “politicize” the massacre, as if the fact that innocent children are being brutally murdered due to the policies those very same Republicans support was not already a political issue of the highest order.īut cultural change is not impossible. The supreme court is expected soon to loosen rather than tighten the law around carrying guns in public. Proposals to change the law or the constitution will be bitterly criticized, and gun-rights proponents will present the shooter as an anomaly who holds no lessons for “responsible” gun-owners. By now, the grooves of the debate are well-worn, and even a shocking event like the Uvalde massacre will not shake us out of it for long.
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If the problem is cultural, then what is the solution? There is no easy one. It has happened in recent decades on very important issues Rather, gun culture reveals the centrality of violence to American conceptions of manhood – a violence which ultimately harms rather than protects. No doubt many gun owners tell themselves that they are better equipped to protect the innocent. Almost anywhere else in the western world, a man seeking to demonstrate his masculinity in this way would be treated as an absurd and tragic poser. American gun culture treats ownership of weapons of war as a sign of masculinity and virility, something that makes you more of a man. Men own guns at nearly twice the rate of women, and within all of this there is something deeply pathetic about the state of American manhood. Gun culture reveals the centrality of violence to American conceptions of manhood – a violence which ultimately harms rather than protects Sometimes, they are the lives of small children, innocent to the ways of a world which has allowed them to die. The pleasure derived from guns, the sense of participation in America’s deepest myths about itself which they might foster, come at the expense of tens of thousands of lives a year. Their choices make society less safe, not more. But everyone else who defends their own right to possess a gun, who lauds guns as the bringers of peace and order, is guilty too. Mass shooters may be, as the writer John Ganz put it, the “ nightmare obverse” of the ideal of the lone frontiersman. Such reasoning responds to a deep-seated American historical myth, and allows the speaker to imagine themselves as the hero.īut they are not heroes – far from it. It’s no coincidence that whenever a horrific mass shooting occurs, those in favor of guns respond by claiming that the solution to the guns of the bad guys is more guns in the hands of the good guys. The country has long valorized masculine heroes – the cowboy, the frontiersman, the patriotic soldier – who impose their will on the community’s enemies with violence. The gun is the great symbol, and poisonous offshoot, of American individualism.
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What is at issue here is something more foundational, and more difficult to change: American culture itself. But the constitution can be changed or reinterpreted, and special interest groups can be vanquished. And it’s also true that the NRA is a malign force in American politics. It’s true that gun-rights advocates rely on a surely mistaken reading of the constitution to justify arming themselves to the teeth. But neither of these things really get to the root of the pathology. Critics of the sickness which is America’s obsession with guns often focus their fire on the second amendment, or the perverse political influence of the National Rifle Association.
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What cultural value, what material interest, could be worth this? It must be something that its defenders consider supremely important. When a gunman murdered dozens of elementary-age schoolchildren, leaving their bodies in such a state that parents had to give up DNA samples for them to be identified, it was one such day. S ome days it feels like guns are such a foundational part of American identity that the country would have to cease to be itself before it would give them up.